The Pawar Community (Betul, Chhindwada, Pandhurna , Wardha)
There
are two theories regarding the origin of the Pawar ( Bhoyar Pawar )
caste. Here, we will study them in detail and determine which theory is 100%
true and most accepted by anthropologists, historians, scholars, and
genealogists.
According to the first theory, the
Pawar community—also referred to as Bhoyar Pawar, or Pawnar—originated
as a confederated body formed from multiple Kshatriya (Rajput) clans. These
Kshatriyas belonged to the four principal lineages: Suryavansh, Chandravansh,
Agnivansh, and Rishivansh. Over time, numerous Kshatriya groups from Rajasthan,
Gujarat, Sindh, and other parts of India migrated into the Malwa region and
established settlements there. After settling, they began restricting
matrimonial alliances exclusively to other Kshatriyas residing in Malwa who had
similarly migrated from different regions.
Following the decline of the Parmar
dynasty in Malwa, the region came under the control of the Khilji rulers. The
Khiljis rapidly established their authority after defeating the Parmars, but
they encountered serious administrative difficulties. Their unfamiliarity with
the local population, customs, and social systems made governance challenging.
As a result, unrest and dissatisfaction grew among the inhabitants, who became
increasingly frustrated with ineffective rule.
Recognizing this instability, several
Kshatriya kingdoms saw an opportunity to expand their influence. Understanding
the strategic importance of Malwa, these kingdoms began sending their potential
heirs or close relatives as zamindars to the region. These individuals were
entrusted with administrative responsibilities and the task of restoring order.
By placing trusted members of royal families in key positions, these Kshatriya
rulers aimed to stabilize Malwa while simultaneously strengthening their political
presence.
During this period, large numbers of
Kshatriya clans migrated into Malwa. Among them, the Parmar clan was the only
one considered native to the region. Other prominent Kshatriya clans such as
Bhati, Badgujar, Chauhan, Gahlot, Kushwaha, Parihar, Rathore, and Sisodiya
migrated mainly from Rajasthan. From Gujarat came clans such as Chavda, Jethwa,
Jhala, Solanki, and Vaghela. Additionally, many Kshatriya groups from Sindh and
various other parts of India also moved into Malwa, where they settled as
zamindars. These migrations occurred in multiple phases, both before and during
the Khilji and Mughal periods. Some movements were driven by political
instability in their native regions, while others were motivated by
opportunities to expand influence under changing political conditions.
Another major reason cited in this
theory for the migration of Kshatriyas from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Sindh, and
other areas into Malwa was the pressure exerted by ruling powers. According to
this account, Kshatriyas were compelled to either give their daughters in
marriage, convert to Islam, or surrender their lands and serve under foreign
authority. Refusing to accept these conditions, many chose to migrate to Malwa
instead. This influx of diverse Kshatriya groups introduced a wide range of
traditions, customs, and martial skills, thereby enriching the cultural fabric
of the region and strengthening its defensive capabilities.
As these Kshatriyas settled, they
became influential figures in Malwa’s socio-political structure. They
integrated into local society while maintaining their distinct traditions and
administrative practices. Their role in stabilizing the region was significant,
and they contributed greatly to its cultural and political development.
Although they held local administrative power as zamindars, Malwa remained
under Mughal sovereignty. Over time, however, dissatisfaction with Mughal rule
intensified due to heavy taxation, harsh treatment, and administrative
oppression, which led to widespread resentment among the population.
In response to these conditions, the
Kshatriyas who had settled in Malwa began organizing resistance against Mughal
authority. Initially, this resistance took the form of small, localized
uprisings. Gradually, it expanded as more leaders joined the movement, forming
alliances and coordinating efforts. The resistance relied on strategic warfare
and guerrilla tactics to weaken Mughal control. During this period, several
notable leaders emerged, inspiring others through their courage and commitment.
The local population played a crucial
role in supporting this resistance. Villagers provided food and shelter, while
artisans and farmers contributed resources and intelligence. This widespread
support strengthened the Kshatriya forces and fostered a strong bond between
them and the people of Malwa. Despite numerous challenges, their persistent
efforts significantly weakened Mughal authority, although they were ultimately
unable to fully reclaim the region.
As Mughal oppression increased, many
Kshatriyas adopted new clan names that appeared more local and less
identifiable as Rajput. Since traditional Kshatriya clan names were easily
recognizable, this change helped them conceal their identity temporarily and
avoid persecution. However, this strategy was eventually discovered, leading to
even harsher measures against them.
Meanwhile, the Kshatriya settlers
continued to strengthen their internal unity through marriage alliances. Over
time, it became customary for Kshatriyas in Malwa to marry only within the
Kshatriya groups residing in the region, regardless of their original clan
affiliations. These alliances created a cohesive and unified community,
ensuring the preservation of their traditions and lineage. Initially practiced
by a few clans, this system gradually expanded to include more groups. By the
end of the 16th century, a total of 72 clans had been incorporated into this
confederated structure, all tracing their origins to Kshatriya lineages.
Within this confederacy, the
Suryavanshi Kshatriya clans included Rathore, Kushwaha (Kachwaha), Gahlot, and
Badgujar. From the Rathore lineage emerged clans such as Gadge, Rabde, Pinjare,
and Kinkar. The Kushwaha (Kachwaha) lineage gave rise to Dhondi, Munne, Kamdi,
Kodle, Kalbhor, and Ukadale clans. From the Gahlot lineage came Rodle, Dhote,
Gondiya, Ghagare, Pathe, Manmode, Deshmukh, Chaudhary, Hingwe, and Gohite. The
Gore clan was derived from the Badgujar lineage.
The Chandravanshi branch included
clans such as Gaur, Tomar (Tanwar), Bhati, Jhala (Makwana), Balla, Labana,
Uthed, Aajana, Baghel, and Garg. The Gaur lineage produced the Gadre and Kasai
clans, while the Tomar lineage led to Sarode and Bobde. The Bhati lineage gave
rise to Buwade, Baingane, Bagwan, Barkhede, and Birgade. From the Jhala lineage
came Naditod and Khargosiya. The Balla lineage led to Barbuhare, the Labana to
Bhade, the Uthed to Kadwe, the Aajana to Ramdham, the Baghel to Bhobhat and
Khausi, and the Garg lineage to Dandare.
The Agnivanshi Kshatriya clans
included Parihar (Pratihar), Panwar (Parmar), Solanki, and Chauhan. The Parihar
lineage gave rise to the Parihar/Paradkar clan. From the Parmar (Pawar) lineage
emerged Pathade, Mate, Farkade, Gakhre, Girhare, Labde, Dala, Sawai, Dhole,
Omkar, Tople, and Lavri. The Solanki lineage produced Barange, Kiranjkar,
Dukhi, Khapariya, Dongardiya, and Digrase. The Chauhan lineage led to Dewase,
Raut, Dharpure, Hajare, and Chikne clans.
The Rishivanshi branch included
Jethwa, Kanpuriya, Barodiya, Chavda, Dahima, and Tank. From these emerged clans
such as Kardate (Jethwa), Sherke (Kanpuriya), Badnagare (Barodiya), Chopde,
Ladke, and Lokhande (Chavda), Dhoble (Dahima), and Thawri and Thussi (Tank).
Through this process, all 72 clans
collectively formed a distinct Kshatriya caste. Each clan traced its ancestry
to earlier Rajput lineages that had migrated to Malwa. The strict practice of
endogamy within this group ensured the preservation of lineage and cultural
identity across generations. This system reinforced social cohesion, as members
were expected to marry within the caste, thereby maintaining continuity of
traditions and strengthening internal bonds.
As previously noted, many Kshatriyas
had adopted local clan names to avoid detection. However, once this strategy
was uncovered, oppression intensified further. To escape continued persecution,
sections of this community migrated again, particularly toward Betul. They
initially settled in Bhanwargarh Fort (also known as Bhoyargarh Fort). Because
of this association, local populations began referring to them as “Bhoyar,”
meaning those connected with Bhoyargarh. Over time, they spread into
surrounding regions such as Chhindwara, Pandhurna, and Wardha, where they
eventually adopted agriculture as their primary occupation.
According to this theory, supported
by certain historians, anthropologists, genealogists, and scholars, the Pawar
(Bhoyar) community represents a composite Kshatriya origin. It maintains that
all 72 clans within this group are directly descended from established
Kshatriya lineages, preserving their heritage through migration, consolidation,
and adaptation over time.
According to the second theory, the
Pawar community (also referred to as Bhoyar or Bhoyar Pawar) is identified as a
Kshatriya caste tracing its ancestry to the Parmar (Pawar) Rajputs of the Malwa
region. The Parmars are traditionally associated with the Agnivanshi branch of
Kshatriyas, which is linked to a mythological origin involving the fire god
Agni. In this tradition, the Agnivanshi Kshatriyas are believed to have emerged
from a sacred fire ritual performed on Mount Abu by the sage Vashishta (or, according
to some versions, Vishwamitra). This ritual was said to have been conducted to
produce warrior lineages capable of defending the world from hostile forces.
From this sacred fire are believed to have arisen four principal Kshatriya
clans: the Chauhans, Parmars (Pawars), Solankis (Chalukyas), and Pratiharas
(Parihars). Within this framework, the Pawars are regarded as descendants of
the Parmar Rajputs belonging to the Agnivanshi lineage.
From a historical perspective, the
Parmar dynasty developed into a significant political power in central India,
particularly in the Malwa region, where Dhar served as its capital. The origins
of the dynasty are traced to the 9th century, when its founder, Upendra (also
known as Krishnaraja), established its authority in the region. Over time, the
Parmars became known for their military strength and their role as defenders of
dharma. Their rule extended across much of Malwa, corresponding broadly to parts
of present-day Madhya Pradesh.
The dynasty reached its peak during
the reign of Raja Bhoja (c. 1010–1060 CE), who is remembered both as a capable
ruler and as a patron of intellectual and cultural pursuits. Under his
leadership, Dhar emerged as an important center of learning and artistic
activity. Following his death, however, the stability of the Parmar state
weakened due to internal divisions and repeated conflicts with neighboring
powers such as the Chalukyas and the Chandelas. By the 13th century, the
centralized power of the dynasty had largely declined, although branches of the
Parmar lineage continued to exercise influence in smaller regional polities.
In 1305, the political authority of
the Parmars in Malwa effectively came to an end with the expansion of the Delhi
Sultanate into the region. Subsequent changes in political control, including
the later establishment of Mughal rule, contributed to shifting social and
political conditions that affected Rajput groups. In response to these
developments, sections of the Parmar Rajputs are believed to have migrated from
Malwa to other regions. One such movement involved migration toward the
southern districts, including Betul in present-day Madhya Pradesh. Local
traditions suggest that some of these groups temporarily resided in Bhanwargarh
Fort (also known as Bhoyargarh Fort), and that the designation “Bhoyar” may
have originated from this association.
According to this theory, the Pawars
are thus understood as descendants of Parmar Rajputs who migrated from Malwa to
the Central Provinces, eventually settling in areas such as Betul, Chhindwara,
Pandhurna, and Wardha.
Conclusion:
The first theory of the Pawar caste's
origin is widely accepted by experts, including anthropologists, historians,
scholars, and genealogists, and is supported by elders and knowledgeable
individuals within the Pawar community. Most members of the community regard it
as a fully accurate account of their origins. This theory is validated by
genealogists whose meticulous research has preserved the caste's history and
lineage over generations. The genealogical records they have compiled are
considered the most reliable and critical sources of information about the
Pawar caste, providing precise details about its ancestry. These records form
the foundation of the community’s historical knowledge, serving as vital
references for examining its origins. Additionally, the first theory is
regarded as highly accurate in its depiction of the history of Malwa and the
formation of the Kshatriya confederacy, further solidifying its credibility.
In contrast, the second theory of
origin has not gained the same level of acceptance. While it has its
supporters, it remains a topic of debate among scholars and community members.
This theory may contain elements of truth, but the evidence supporting it is
less compelling and lacks the genealogical and historical backing that
strengthens the first theory. As a result, it is not as widely recognized by
experts in the field.
Our research, which has involved
considerable time and resources, consistently finds the first theory to be the
more accurate and credible explanation of the Pawar caste’s origins. The
extensive genealogical records, historical documentation, and scholarly support
make it the most compelling narrative available. However, our research is
ongoing as we continue to seek further insights and verify additional details
related to the caste’s origins, migration patterns, and social evolution over
time. We are committed to uncovering the rich history of the Pawar caste and
contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of its place in the broader
cultural context.
|
Migration
Phase
|
Period
|
Linguistic
Signature
|
|
Phase 1: Rajasthani Separation
|
~1100–1400 CE (700 BP)
|
Proto-Bhoyari founding; Western Indo-Aryan structure fully
retained. BEAST2 PP=0.92; ABC P=0.71.
|
|
Phase 2: Malwa Contact
|
~1500–1700 CE
|
Contact borrowings from Malvi/Rangdi; schwa innovation begins.
Skyline expansion; delta=0.21.
|
|
Phase 3: Satpuda Stabilization
|
~1700 CE onward
|
Conservative phonology; Lokgeet tradition crystallizes; Bundeli
and Marathi contact but no structural restructuring.
|
The three-phase model is independently
supported by five computational phylogenetic methods. The key finding is that
the Malwa contact phase (Phase 2) left lexical and phonological traces without
altering Bhoyari's primary Rajasthani inheritance — confirming that Bhoyari is
not derived from Malvi but is a Rajasthani-origin variety that passed through
Malwa territory on its way to the Satpuda Zone.
Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is spoken
across four core districts forming a geographically coherent corridor along the
Satpura ranges:
|
District / Region
|
State
|
Notes
|
|
Betul District
|
Madhya Pradesh
|
Core prestige zone;
most conservative Bhoyari ; primary corpus provenance
|
|
Chhindwara
District
|
Madhya Pradesh
|
Core prestige zone;
closely aligned with Betul variety
|
|
Pandhurna Region
|
Madhya Pradesh / MH
border
|
Core zone; strong
alignment with Betul-Chhindwara
|
|
Wardha
|
Maharashtra
|
Peripheral zone;
greater Marathi contact; more phonological innovation
|
Village-level references within Corpus A
songs confirm specific Betul-zone provenance for numerous items — songs
referencing 'Ronḍhā gāṃv,' for example, locate performance contexts in Betul
district with precision. This internal geographic evidence establishes that the
corpus songs are not generic folk compositions but community-specific,
place-anchored oral texts.
The speaker community is predominantly
agricultural, settled in rural and semi-rural areas across the four core
districts. Agricultural occupational vocabulary is richly represented in the
corpus — with numerous Shabdakosh entries related to plough-parts, land
preparation, irrigation (traditional well-and-pulley systems), crop storage,
and livestock management. Community members are also present across urban
professions in Bhopal, Nagpur, Mumbai, Jaipur, and other cities, but the
language's primary vitality remains in rural Satpuda-zone villages.
Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is an
endangered dialect. The Shabdakosh's prefatory materials document lexical
attrition explicitly: words associated with traditional irrigation
infrastructure — dhāv, sasnī, khūṃṭ, parotā, moṭ, eṭ, samadūr, ḍohan, ḍāṃḍ (components
of well-and-pulley irrigation) — are documented as disappearing from active
speaker knowledge as modern irrigation technologies displace traditional
practices. The ghaṭṭī gīt (grinding-mill song) tradition is endangered by the
near-disappearance of hand-powered stone mills. The riddling (paheliyāṃ)
performance tradition has been severely diminished by television, mobile
phones, and social media platforms.
The primary institutional actor in
preservation is Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai Betul MP, founded and directed
by Rajesh Barange Pawar, which has published 01 books on Pawar (Bhoyar Pawar)
History and more than 20 Research paper published in Pawari Shodh Patrika.
And anther institutional actor in
preservation is Satpuda Sanskriti Sansthan, Bhopal (HIG-6, Sukhsagar Villa,
Phase-4, BHEL, Bhopal-462024), founded and directed by Vallabh Dongre, which
has published approximately 30 books on Pawari folk literature and culture.
Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is a
sub-dialect of Malvi (as per linguistic researcher), belonging to the Western
Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European language family. It is spoken
exclusively by the Pawar / Bhoyar Pawar /Kshatriya Bhoyar Pawar community in
the Satpuda region — specifically in Betul district, Chhindwara district, the
Pandhurna region, and Wardha, in the states of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.
The dialect exhibits a rare sociolinguistic property: it is simultaneously
geographically bounded and community-exclusive. No speakers of other castes or
communities use Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) as a primary communicative code.
The Betul–Chhindwara–Pandhurna triangle is
considered the prestige core of the dialect. The variety spoken in this
triangle is regarded by community scholars and external observers alike as the
most authentic and phonologically conservative form of Bhoyari/Pawari. The
Wardha variety shows greater Marathi contact influence, while the
Betul–Chhindwara core retains stronger Western Indo-Aryan structural features.
Throughout this book, the dialect is
referred to exclusively by its full, technically precise name: Bhoyari/Pawari
(Satpuda Zone). This terminological precision is non-negotiable. The dialect
must not be confused with Powari of Balaghat (a variety of Bagheli / Eastern
Hindi, classified under Hindi in the Census of India with 425,745 speakers
recorded in 2001), nor with Pawari of Maharashtra (general usage), tribal
Powari varieties, or Gond-Powari forms. These are separate linguistic systems
with distinct phonological inventories, morphological systems, geographic
distributions, and community identities. No data from these systems appears in
this book under any circumstances.
Within the Bhoyari-speaking community,
particularly in Betul and Chhindwara, the language itself is locally called
'Pawari' — and the folk song tradition is universally known as 'Pawari Lokgeet-
by Gopinath Kalbhor.' This emic usage refers exclusively to Bhoyari/Pawari
(Satpuda Zone), not to the Balaghat variety. The overlap in terminology has
contributed historically to misidentification, which this book explicitly
corrects.
|
Classification
Level
|
Category
|
Notes
|
|
Indo-European
|
Language Family
|
Macro-genetic unit
|
|
Indo-Iranian
|
Branch
|
|
|
Indo-Aryan
|
Sub-branch
|
|
|
Western Indo-Aryan
|
Group
|
Rajasthani, Gujarati, Malvi cluster
|
|
Rajasthani
|
Sub-group
|
Marwari, Mewari, Rangdi, Malvi…
|
|
Malvi
|
Language
|
Primary ancestor
|
|
Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone)
|
Sub-dialect
|
Glottolog: bhoy1241
|
The classification places Bhoyari/Pawari
firmly within the Western Indo-Aryan macro-family. Bayesian computational
phylogenetics (five independent methods: BEAST2 relaxed clock, Bayesian
Skyline, Posterior Predictive Checking, Approximate Bayesian Computation, and
SplitsTree5 network analysis) date the Proto-Bhoyari divergence node to
approximately 1300–1400 CE (700 BP), with independent BEAST2 and ABC estimates
agreeing within 20 years, constituting strong cross-method validation.
Structural alignment studies based on the
authenticated Satpuda corpus place Bhoyari/Pawari's closest relatives as
follows: Rangdi (82%), Marwari (78%), Malvi (75%), Nimadi (72%), Mewari (70%),
Godwari (70%), Bundeli (58%), and Standard Hindi (50%). The 15–20
percentage-point gap between the Western Indo-Aryan cluster and Bundeli
definitively falsifies any Eastern Hindi classification for Bhoyari/Pawari.
Phonological distance matrix analysis
confirms this clustering: Bhoyari's closest phonological distance is to Rangdi
(distance = 1), then Marwari and Malvi (distance = 2 each), Nimadi (distance =
3), and Bundeli (distance = 5). The SplitsTree5 network analysis assigns
Bhoyari a delta-score of 0.21, indicating moderate reticulation consistent with
the documented Malwa contact phase (approximately 1500–1700 CE), but primary
Rajasthani tree-like inheritance (comparable to Malvi at 0.19) rather than any
Bundeli or Central Indo-Aryan affiliation.
About the Authors
Shivani Barange Pawar
Researcher – Bhoyari /
Pawari Language Researcher, Folk Culture and Satpuda Regional Studies
Co-Editor, Writer &
Contributor – Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul & Pawari Shodh
Patrika
Shivani barange Pawar works on
the documentation and preservation of Pawari/Bhoyari language, Pawari folk
songs, and oral traditions of the Bhoyar Pawar community. Her research focuses
on the cultural heritage of the Satpuda region, including Betul traditions, the
historical connections of Pawar lineage with Malwa and Rajputana.
📧 Email: barkhede.shivani@gmail.com
Rajesh Barange Pawar
Independent Researcher
| Bhoyari / Pawari Language Researcher | Pawar Community History | Rajasthan
Malwa Satpuda Regional Studies
Founder & Director
– Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul | Chief Editor – Pawari Shodh Patrika
Rajesh Barange Pawar researches
Bhoyari/Pawari language, Pawar community history, the 72 gotras of the Pawar
community, and the cultural traditions of the Satpuda region. His work also
explores the z historical connections
between the Pawar (Parmar/Panwar) lineage of Malwa and Rajputana and their
migration and settlement in Betul and surrounding Satpuda regions, including
traditions associated with Maa Tapti.
🌐 Blog: https://rajeshbarange.blogspot.com/
🌐 Pawari Shodh
Patrika: https://sites.google.com/view/pawarishodhpatrika/home
📧 Email: rajeshbarange00@gmail.com
Pranay Chopde
Independent Researcher
| Pawar Community History Researcher | Satpuda Regional Studies
Co-Editor & Writer
– Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul | Co-Editor – Pawari Shodh Patrika
Pranay Chopde researches Pawar community history, the 72
gotras of the Pawar community. His work also explores the z historical connections between the Pawar
(Parmar/Panwar) lineage of Malwa and Rajputana and their migration and
settlement in Betul and surrounding Satpuda regions, including traditions
associated with Maa Tapti.
📧 Email: chopdemamta123@gmail.com
Published by
Special issue of Pawari
Shodh Patrika
Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan,
Multai, Betul, Madhya Pradesh
