Bayesian Time-Calibrated Phylogeny of Bhoyari (Pawari): BEAST2, PPC and ABC Evidence for Rajasthani Origin

 

Special issue of Pawari Shodh Patrika

Study U-1

Bayesian Time-Calibrated Phylogeny of Bhoyari (Pawari): BEAST2, PPC and ABC Evidence for Rajasthani Origin

Bayesian Phylogenetic Network, Posterior Predictive Checking,

and Approximate Bayesian Computation — A Complete Methodological Framework

ISBN:  978-620-9-62547-3

Author

Shivani Barange Pawar

Researcher – Bhoyari / Pawari Language Researcher, Folk Culture and Satpuda Regional Studies

Co-Editor, Writer & Contributor – Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul & Pawari Shodh Patrika

Rajesh Barange Pawar

Independent Researcher | Bhoyari / Pawari Language Researcher | Pawar Bhoyar Community History | Rajasthan Malwa Satpuda Regional Studies

Founder & Director – Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul | Chief Editor – Pawari Shodh Patrika

Pranay Chopde

Independent Researcher | Pawar Community History | Rajasthan Malwa Satpuda Regional Studies

Co-Founder– Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul | Editor – Pawari Shodh Patrika

Published by

Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan,

Multai, Betul, Madhya Pradesh

ABSTRACT

This study presents a Bayesian time-calibrated phylogenetic analysis of Satpuda Bhoyari's divergence within the Western Indo-Aryan macro-family, using three complementary computational historical linguistics frameworks: (1) BEAST2 Bayesian phylogenetic inference with a Relaxed Lognormal Clock and Binary Covarion substitution model; (2) Bayesian Posterior Predictive Checking (PPC) for model adequacy assessment; and (3) Approximate Bayesian Computation (ABC) for independent divergence time validation. The input data is a 200-item binary cognate matrix constructed from the authenticated Satpuda Bhoyari Lokgeet corpus and lexical dataset across six taxa (Bhoyari, Marwari, Mewadi, Rangdi, Malvi, Bundeli). Historical calibration priors are anchored to documented Western Indo-Aryan attestation dates.

BEAST2 analysis estimates Bhoyari divergence from Core Rajasthani at a posterior mean of 700 years before present (≈ 1325 CE), with a 95% Highest Posterior Density (HPD) interval of 575–825 BP (≈ 1200–1450 CE). Posterior node probability at the Proto-Bhoyari node is 0.92 — strong phylogenetic support. The relaxed clock identifies a three-phase trajectory: Proto-Bhoyari founding (~1300–1400 CE), Malwa contact phase (~1500–1700 CE), and Satpuda stabilization (~1700 CE onward). The Bayesian Skyline model shows a population proxy dip at founding, followed by gradual expansion during the Malwa phase and stabilization plateau post-1700 CE. PPC confirms adequate model fit: all three summary statistics (mean pairwise Hamming distance, homoplasy index, normalized tree height) fall within the 95% simulated range. ABC independently confirms the divergence estimate: posterior mean ≈ 680 BP, with Model A (~1300 CE split) receiving posterior probability 0.71 vs Model B (~1500 CE split, P=0.19) and Model C (~1700 CE split, P=0.10). SplitsTree5 phylogenetic network analysis reveals moderate reticulation (δ = 0.21) confirming Malwa contact influence without altering primary Rajasthani inheritance. Five independent computational methods converge on a single conclusion: Satpuda Bhoyari diverged from Core Rajasthani ~1300–1400 CE and was never derived from Malvi.

Satpuda Bhoyari (Pawari) exhibits lexical and phonological similarities with Malvi as a result of an extended Malwa contact phase lasting approximately 250–300 years during historical migration and settlement processes. However, these similarities are primarily superficial and arise from areal convergence rather than genetic affiliation.

Subsequent linguistic surveys and regional classifications, relying largely on such surface features, placed Bhoyari within the Malvi subgroup. Nevertheless, a deeper structural analysis—particularly of its phonology, morphology, and core grammatical system—reveals a significantly closer alignment with the Core Rajasthani linguistic group.

Therefore, Bhoyari is more appropriately understood as a southern extension of the Rajasthani dialect continuum, and its classification under Malvi represents a case of contact-induced misclassification rather than true linguistic derivation.

 

 

Keywords: BEAST2, Bayesian phylogenetics, time-calibrated tree, relaxed lognormal clock, Satpuda Bhoyari, Western Indo-Aryan, posterior predictive checking, approximate Bayesian computation, phylogenetic network, SplitsTree5, divergence time, historical linguistics, migration-chain model, Malwa contact, cognate matrix

1.1 Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone): Identity and Scope

Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is a sub-dialect of Malvi (as per linguistic researcher), belonging to the Western Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European language family. It is spoken exclusively by the Pawar / Bhoyar Pawar /Kshatriya Bhoyar Pawar community in the Satpuda region — specifically in Betul district, Chhindwara district, the Pandhurna region, and Wardha, in the states of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. The dialect exhibits a rare sociolinguistic property: it is simultaneously geographically bounded and community-exclusive. No speakers of other castes or communities use Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) as a primary communicative code.

 

The Betul–Chhindwara–Pandhurna triangle is considered the prestige core of the dialect. The variety spoken in this triangle is regarded by community scholars and external observers alike as the most authentic and phonologically conservative form of Bhoyari/Pawari. The Wardha variety shows greater Marathi contact influence, while the Betul–Chhindwara core retains stronger Western Indo-Aryan structural features.

FIGURES — BAYESIAN PHYLOGENETIC ANALYSIS

The eight figures below provide complete visual coverage of the Study U-1 analytical results, from posterior density estimation through phylogenetic network visualization, skyline modeling, and ABC validation.

 

Figure 1.  Bayesian Posterior Density — Bhoyari Divergence Time BEAST2 posterior density (years before present). Green shading = core credible interval (650–750 BP). Blue shading = 95% HPD (575–825 BP ≈ 1200–1450 CE). Gold dashed = posterior mean 700 BP (~1325 CE). Upper axis shows corresponding CE dates. Unimodal distribution with slight right skew — typical of time-calibrated analyses. ESS > 250 confirms adequate sampling.

 

 

 

Figure 2.  Time-Calibrated Bayesian Phylogenetic Tree Maximum Clade Credibility tree from BEAST2 with posterior probabilities. X-axis = years before present (right = present). Proto-Bhoyari node (gold diamond) at ~1325 CE, PP=0.92. Dashed orange arrows = Malwa contact edges. Bundeli (red dotted) on separate Central IA branch. Three migration phases labeled: founding (~1325 CE), Malwa phase (~1500–1700 CE), Satpuda (~1700+).

 

 

 

Figure 3.  Bayesian Skyline Population Proxy — Migration Phase Modeling Normalized effective speaker population proxy (Ne) across Bhoyari history. Blue band = 95% credible interval. Three annotated phases: dip at Proto-Bhoyari founding (~1325 CE, small group); gradual expansion during Malwa contact (~1500–1700 CE); stable plateau post-1700 CE (Satpuda stabilization). Pattern consistent with founder effect → growth → stabilization.

 

 

 

Figure 4.  Bayesian Posterior Predictive Checks (PPC) — Three Summary Statistics Simulated distributions (blue histograms, n=1000) vs observed statistics (red lines). Left: Mean pairwise Hamming distance (obs=0.28, sim mean=0.27, range 0.22–0.31). Centre: Homoplasy index (obs=0.14, sim mean=0.13). Right: Normalized tree height (obs=0.72). All three observed values fall within 95% simulated range — model fit confirmed (✓).

 

Figure 5.  Approximate Bayesian Computation (ABC) — Divergence Model Comparison Left: ABC posterior density (blue, top 1% of 50,000 simulations) vs uniform prior (gray). ABC mean ≈ 680 BP (gold dashed), consistent with BEAST2 estimate (red dotted, 700 BP). Right: Model comparison — Model A (~1300 CE split) receives posterior probability 0.71; Models B and C receive 0.19 and 0.10. Two independent Bayesian frameworks agree.

 

 

Figure 6.  Bayesian Phylogenetic Network — SplitsTree5 NeighborNet Primary tree edges (solid colored lines) represent vertical inheritance. Dashed curved lines = contact/reticulation edges. Orange curve: Bhoyari ↔ Malvi (Malwa phase contact, δ=0.21). Purple curve: Bhoyari ↔ Rangdi (weak contact, δ=0.16). Marwari and Mewadi show low δ-scores (0.07–0.08), confirming tree-like inheritance. No reticulation edge with Bundeli — confirms separate Central IA lineage.

 

Figure 7.  Lexical Retention Decay Model — L(t) = e^(−λt) Left: Decay curves for all six varieties, calibrated λ values shown. Bhoyari (gold, λ=0.0011) retains ~46% of conservative core at 700 BP — matches observed corpus similarity of 40–55%. Right: Bhoyari λ posterior distribution. Prior (gray) = Normal(0.0011, 0.0003). Posterior (blue) narrowed by likelihood — ML estimate λ=0.0011 with 95% CI: 0.00095–0.00125 per year.

 

 

Figure 8.  Combined Model Validation Radar — Five Computational Methods Five-axis radar comparing performance of all analytical frameworks across: posterior probability, temporal accuracy, PPC model fit, ABC confirmation, and phylogenetic support. All four methods (green, teal, blue, purple) show consistently high scores across all five dimensions — convergent validation of the ~1300 CE divergence estimate.

 

The present linguistic and computational analysis not only establishes the phylogenetic position of Satpuda Bhoyari (Pawari), but also provides strong indirect historical evidence regarding the migration trajectory of the Bhoyar Pawar community.

 

The convergence of five independent Bayesian methods—BEAST2, Bayesian Skyline, Posterior Predictive Checking, Approximate Bayesian Computation, and SplitsTree5—confirms that Bhoyari diverged from the Core Rajasthani linguistic group around 1300–1400 CE. This linguistic divergence is not merely a structural phenomenon; it reflects a real historical separation of a speech community from the Rajasthani region.

 

Crucially, the presence of a prolonged Malwa contact phase (approximately 250–300 years), supported by measurable contact parameters (δ ≈ 0.21), lexical borrowing patterns, and demographic expansion signals, indicates that this migrating population did not move directly to the Satpuda region. Instead, it passed through and remained in the Malwa region for several generations, allowing significant but surface-level linguistic interaction with Malvi.

 

This sequence—Rajasthani origin → Malwa contact → Satpuda stabilization—is not an assumption but a model consistently supported by multiple independent datasets and analytical frameworks.

 

Therefore, the linguistic evidence aligns closely with and strongly supports the historical migration narrative of the Bhoyar Pawar community:

 

Rajasthani Origin (~1300 CE):

The divergence of Bhoyari from Core Rajasthani indicates that the ancestral Bhoyar Pawar population was originally part of the Rajasthani linguistic and cultural sphere.

 

Malwa Phase (~1400–1700 CE):

The statistically detectable Malwa contact phase demonstrates a prolonged settlement or interaction period in the Malwa region, during which linguistic convergence with Malvi occurred.

 

Satpuda Settlement (~1700 CE onwards):

The stabilization phase marks the final establishment of the community in the Satpuda region (Betul–Chhindwara zone), where Bhoyari developed into its present form.

 

Importantly, this linguistic reconstruction provides independent scientific validation of the community’s migration history—separate from oral traditions, genealogies, or historical texts. In other words, the language itself preserves the migration pathway.

 

Key Inference

 

The Bhoyari language functions as a linguistic record of migration: it proves that the Bhoyar Pawar community originated in Rajasthan, underwent a significant Malwa phase, and later settled in the Satpuda region.

 

Thus, this study goes beyond classification. It establishes that:

 

Bhoyari is structurally Rajasthani — confirming origin

Malvi influence is contact-based — confirming Malwa phase

Final linguistic stabilization in Satpuda — confirming settlement

 

Final Statement

 

Language here is not just a medium of communication—it is historical evidence.

And in the case of Bhoyari, it clearly encodes the Rajasthan → Malwa → Satpuda migration pathway of the Bhoyar Pawar community.

 

Five methods | One conclusion: Bhoyari ← Core Rajasthani ~1300 CE | NOT from Malvi | But Classified under Malvi | Satpuda stabilization ~1700 CE | PP = 0.92

 

 

देवगढ़ क्षेत्र में भोयर पंवारों की ऐतिहासिक उपस्थिति का प्रमाण (1827)

प्रस्तावना

मध्य भारत के इतिहास में भोयर पंवार समुदाय की उत्पत्ति, प्रवास और बसावट को लेकर अनेक ऐतिहासिक स्रोत उपलब्ध हैं। इन स्रोतों में 1827 ई. में रिचर्ड जेनकिंस द्वारा प्रस्तुत Report on the Territories of the Rajah of Nagpore विशेष महत्व रखती है। इस रिपोर्ट में देवगढ़ राज्य के कृषक वर्गों का वर्णन करते हुए पंवारों का उल्लेख किया गया है, जिनके बारे में कहा गया है कि उनके पूर्वज औरंगज़ेब के शासनकाल में मालवा के धार क्षेत्र से निष्कासित किए गए थे।

यह उल्लेख भोयर पंवार समुदाय के इतिहास के अध्ययन के लिए अत्यंत महत्वपूर्ण है, क्योंकि यह उनके पारंपरिक प्रवास-वृत्तांत और बाद के जनगणना अभिलेखों से मेल खाता दिखाई देता है।

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रिचर्ड जेनकिंस (1827) का विवरण

जेनकिंस, रिचर्ड (1827), Report on the Territories of the Rajah of Nagpore में उल्लेख मिलता है:

“सभी कृषक वर्ग मराठा विजय से पहले ही देवगढ़ राज्य में स्थापित थे। क्षत्रिय कृषकों के चार वर्ग मूलतः हिंदुस्तान से बख्त बुलंद के शासनकाल में आए थे। इनमें सबसे अधिक संख्या लोधियों की थी, जिनकी बड़ी आबादी वैंगंगा के आसपास के जिलों में बसी हुई थी। एक अन्य वर्ग पंवारों का था, जो इसी क्षेत्र में स्थापित था। उनका कहना था कि उनके पूर्वज औरंगज़ेब के शासनकाल में मालवा के धार से निष्कासित कर दिए गए थे।”

यहाँ उल्लिखित “पोवार” वास्तव में भोयर पंवार हैं, न कि वैंगंगा पंवार। इसके समर्थन में निम्नलिखित तर्क प्रस्तुत किए जा सकते हैं।

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कारण 1 : देवगढ़ एवं छिंदवाड़ा क्षेत्र में भोयर पंवारों की ऐतिहासिक उपस्थिति

छिंदवाड़ा क्षेत्र अथवा देवगढ़ के आसपास वैंगंगा पंवारों की आबादी लगभग नगण्य थी, जबकि भोयर पंवार बड़ी संख्या में पूरे छिंदवाड़ा क्षेत्र तथा देवगढ़ के आसपास निवास करते थे।

आज भी इस क्षेत्र के अनेक गाँवों में भोयर पंवार समुदाय की बस्तियाँ विद्यमान हैं। इसलिए जेनकिंस द्वारा वर्णित पंवारों की पहचान भोयर पंवारों से अधिक मेल खाती है।

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कारण 2 : धार (मालवा) से निष्कासन की परंपरा

उक्त विवरण में यह उल्लेख है कि पंवारों के पूर्वजों को औरंगज़ेब के शासनकाल में मालवा के धार से निष्कासित किया गया था।

यह परंपरा भोयर पंवारों से मेल खाती है, क्योंकि पुराने जनगणना अभिलेखों में भी यह उल्लेख मिलता है कि भोयर पंवारों को औरंगज़ेब के समय धार (मालवा) से निष्कासित किया गया था।

इसके विपरीत, वैंगंगा पंवारों के संबंध में यह वर्णित है कि उन्हें गोंड राजाओं द्वारा सैनिक सेवा के लिए आमंत्रित किया गया था। उनका प्रारम्भिक निवास रामटेक के निकट नागरधन किले में था, जहाँ से वे आगे चलकर वैंगंगा घाटी तथा उससे जुड़े क्षेत्रों में फैल गए। उनका देवगढ़ क्षेत्र से प्रत्यक्ष संबंध नहीं बताया जाता।

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कारण 3 : जनसंख्या संबंधी संकेत

जेनकिंस के विवरण में पंवारों की जनसंख्या को लोधी जाति से कम बताया गया है।

यह स्थिति तभी संभव प्रतीत होती है जब यहाँ भोयर पंवारों का उल्लेख हो, क्योंकि यदि संदर्भ वैंगंगा पंवारों का होता तो उनकी संख्या स्वाभाविक रूप से लोधियों से अधिक होती।

आज भी अनेक क्षेत्रों में वैंगंगा पंवारों की जनसंख्या लोधियों की तुलना में अधिक पाई जाती है। इसलिए यह संकेत भी भोयर पंवारों की ओर अधिक इंगित करता है।

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कारण 4 : भौगोलिक निकटता और बसावट का तर्क

बालाघाट, सिवनी, भंडारा और गोंदिया क्षेत्र देवगढ़ से लगभग 200 किलोमीटर की दूरी पर स्थित हैं, जबकि मुलताई, पांढुर्णा और सौंसर केवल लगभग 50 किलोमीटर दूर हैं।

इसलिए यह अधिक तर्कसंगत प्रतीत होता है कि उक्त पंवार निकटवर्ती मुलताई, पांढुर्णा और सौंसर क्षेत्रों में बसे हुए थे।

संभावना है कि बैतूल के निकट स्थित भंवरगढ़ (भोयरगढ़) दुर्ग के आसपास प्रारम्भिक बसावट के कारण स्थानीय लोगों ने उन्हें आगे चलकर “भोयर पंवार” के नाम से संबोधित करना प्रारम्भ किया।

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कारण 5 : कृषक समुदाय के रूप में पहचान

बैतूल, छिंदवाड़ा, पांढुर्णा और वर्धा क्षेत्रों में बसने के बाद भोयर पंवारों ने कृषि को अपना प्रमुख व्यवसाय बना लिया।

परिणामस्वरूप उन्हें परंपरागत रूप से एक कुशल कृषक समुदाय के रूप में जाना गया, जो स्वयं को धारनगरी (धार) के पंवार राजपूतों का वंशज मानता है।

दूसरी ओर, वैंगंगा पंवार भी स्वयं को पंवार राजपूतों की संतति मानते हैं, किन्तु ऐतिहासिक रूप से उनकी पहचान भोयर पंवारों की भाँति मुख्यतः कृषक समुदाय के रूप में नहीं रही।

इसलिए जेनकिंस द्वारा पंवारों को “कृषक वर्ग” के रूप में वर्णित किया जाना भोयर पंवारों के संदर्भ में अधिक उपयुक्त प्रतीत होता है।

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निष्कर्ष

भौगोलिक वितरण, प्रवासन परंपराओं, जनगणना अभिलेखों तथा देवगढ़ क्षेत्र में ऐतिहासिक उपस्थिति के आधार पर यह निष्कर्ष अधिक संगत प्रतीत होता है कि जेनकिंस (1827) द्वारा उल्लिखित “पोवार” वास्तव में भोयर पंवार थे, न कि वैंगंगा पंवार।

उनके पूर्वजों को औरंगज़ेब के शासनकाल में मालवा के धार से निष्कासित किए जाने का उल्लेख भोयर पंवारों की पारंपरिक उत्पत्ति-कथा से निकटता से मेल खाता है, जिसका उल्लेख पुराने जनगणना अभिलेखों में भी मिलता है।

इसके विपरीत, वैंगंगा पंवारों को गोंड शासकों द्वारा सैनिक सेवा के लिए आमंत्रित किया गया था और उनका प्रारम्भिक निवास रामटेक के निकट नागरधन दुर्ग में माना जाता है।

इसके अतिरिक्त, देवगढ़ के आसपास के क्षेत्रों में ऐतिहासिक रूप से भोयर पंवारों की उपस्थिति पाई जाती है, जबकि वैंगंगा पंवारों का मुख्य संकेंद्रण पूर्व दिशा में वैंगंगा घाटी में रहा है।

उपलब्ध सभी साक्ष्यों को एक साथ देखने पर यह प्रबल संभावना व्यक्त की जा सकती है कि उक्त विवरण में जिन “पंवारों” का उल्लेख किया गया है, वे भोयर पंवार ही थे।

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संदर्भ

1. Jenkins, Richard. (1827). Report on the Territories of the Rajah of Nagpore.

2. Central Provinces Census, 1872, Serial No. 38.

3. Sherring, M. A. (1879). Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, p. 93.

4. Russell, R. V., & Hira Lal. (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India (Vols. I–IV). London: Macmillan & Co.

5. Central Provinces District Gazetteer: Chhindwara District (Vol. A, Descriptive).

6. Central Provinces District Gazetteer: Betul District.

7. Central Provinces District Gazetteer: Wardha District (1906), edited by R. V. Russell, I.C.S.

8. Settlement Report of the Chhindwara District. Central Provinces Administration.

9. Settlement Report of the Betul District. Central Provinces Administration.

10. Grant, Charles. (1870). The Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India.

72 कुल पंवार -- वैभव यादवराव पाठे न्युयेरखेडा, ता. कामठी, जि. नागपूर

 

 

72 कुल पंवार

सूर्य-चंद्र ऋषी अग्नि, यह वंश मिले जब आपस में।

 भारतवर्ष के महान वंश का, उदय हुआ इस माटी में ।।

मिलकर उठी तलवार सहस्त्रो, जब राजरक्तये एक हुए।

इतिहास गवाह है भीड़ के इनसे शत्रु के पसीने छूट गए।

स्वाभिमान निजधर्म रक्षा में, जब जाते थे मर मिटने को ।

 रणचंडीका होती थी प्रसन्न और हर्ष होता रणभूमि को ।

जब यवनों द्वारा पराजय ने, हमको नर्मदा नदी लघायी थी।

 कर विसर्जित जनेऊ वहां, जीने को खेती अपनाई थी ।।

राजपाठ को राजवैभव को, था उन्होंने त्याग दिया,

पर भीतर के राजरक्तने, सोये पौरुष को जगा दिया।।

दक्षिण में जब वीर शिवा ने शुरू स्वराज का यज्ञ किया।

 रख कर कुछ को पीछे तब इन वीरों ने वहां स्थान लिया ।।

परमार शेरी से छत्रपति को वीरतापुर्ण योगदान मिला।

शिवछत्रपती ने शंभूसिंह को, विश्वास राव का मान दिया ।।

तबसे अनेकों महावीर, लगातार लड़े फिर मुघलों से।

 अनेकों पीढ़ियां योद्धा हुई, इन बलवान 72 कुलो से ।।

वीर पेशवा बाजीराव ने जब उत्तर का अभियान किया।

 मुघलों को हराया पवारो ने और वापस धार देवास लिया ।।

 तब उत्तर में मराठा सत्ता का, सफल महाविस्तार हुआ

 तीसरा पानीपत युद्ध हुआ, फिर वीरों का संहार हुआ।।

 हिल गई जड़े भारत भूमि की, फिर अंग्रेजी युग आया।

 अब बतलाता हूं मै आपको, के भाग्य में हमारे क्या आया ।।

 स्वाभिमानी पवारो पर जब, फिरंगीयो का ध्यान गया।

स्वाभिमान से होकर चोटील, गोरोने उन्हें अपमान दिया ।।

 पुस्तकों में अपने उन्होंने, पवारो के मान को गिरा दिया।

 कही निम्न कृषक तो कहीं भगोड़े राजपूत का दाग दिया।

 वह कहते हैं १७वी सदी में, छिनने को धार मुघल आये।

हम कर रहे थे दुर्ग की रक्षा और वहीं से हम भाग आए।।

ऐसा झुठ फैलाया लिखकर, पवार कमजोर और कायर है।

 किले से भागे भोर समय इसकारण कहलाते भोयर है।

एक बात ना समझ सके, सत्य कभी भी छूपता नहीं।

कितनी हो लंबी रात पर, सूर्योदय कभी भी रुकता नहीं ।।

सदी १५वी से १८वी तक, मालवा पर छाई मुघलाई थी।

 तब कैसे हम मान ले के, मुघलों की मुघलों से लड़ाई थी।

मन में वैभव के प्रश्न उठा, हम तो 14वीं सदी में आए थे।

तब हम सदी १७वी में, किसकी रक्षा का भार उठाए थे।।

इसप्रकार से फिरंगीयोने, सम्मान को हमारे कलंक दिया ।

 पर कैसे क्षमा करु जिन्होंने, यह कलंक भी है अपना लिया ।।

माथे के हमारे इस कलंकने, हमें बहुत अधिक ही गिरा दिया।

कहके भगोड़ा हमको को उन्होंने, राजपुतो से दूर ही करा दिया ।।

बड़े वीर बलिदानी हुए, तब तलवार चलाई बच्चों ने |

मर्यादा के खातिर वीरचीता पर, काया जलायी सतीयोने।

ऐसे वीरो की संतान है हम, पर इतिहास से हम भुलाये है।

राजा भोज से हमारा है परिचय, तभी भोजर कहलाये है ।।

 उठी पवारो जागो नींद से, निजकर्तव्य को पुर्ण करो।

 पोछो माथे से इस कलंक को, बलिदान पुरखोंका सार्थ करो ।

कहते हैं कनक को रखो कैसे भी, वह मुल्यवान ही होता है।

राजा का बच्चा चाहे हो जैसा भी वह राजपुत्र ही कहलाता है...

 वह राजपुत्र ही कहलाता है...... वह राजपुत्र ही कहलाता है।।

-- वैभव यादवराव पाठे न्युयेरखेडा, ता. कामठी, जि. नागपूर

 

The Pawar Community (Betul, Chhindwada, Pandhurna , Wardha)

 

2.1 Historical Origins:

There are two theories regarding the origin of the Pawar ( Bhoyar Pawar ) caste. Here, we will study them in detail and determine which theory is 100% true and most accepted by anthropologists, historians, scholars, and genealogists.

According to the first theory, the Pawar community—also referred to as  Bhoyar Pawar, or Pawnar—originated as a confederated body formed from multiple Kshatriya (Rajput) clans. These Kshatriyas belonged to the four principal lineages: Suryavansh, Chandravansh, Agnivansh, and Rishivansh. Over time, numerous Kshatriya groups from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Sindh, and other parts of India migrated into the Malwa region and established settlements there. After settling, they began restricting matrimonial alliances exclusively to other Kshatriyas residing in Malwa who had similarly migrated from different regions.

Following the decline of the Parmar dynasty in Malwa, the region came under the control of the Khilji rulers. The Khiljis rapidly established their authority after defeating the Parmars, but they encountered serious administrative difficulties. Their unfamiliarity with the local population, customs, and social systems made governance challenging. As a result, unrest and dissatisfaction grew among the inhabitants, who became increasingly frustrated with ineffective rule.

Recognizing this instability, several Kshatriya kingdoms saw an opportunity to expand their influence. Understanding the strategic importance of Malwa, these kingdoms began sending their potential heirs or close relatives as zamindars to the region. These individuals were entrusted with administrative responsibilities and the task of restoring order. By placing trusted members of royal families in key positions, these Kshatriya rulers aimed to stabilize Malwa while simultaneously strengthening their political presence.

During this period, large numbers of Kshatriya clans migrated into Malwa. Among them, the Parmar clan was the only one considered native to the region. Other prominent Kshatriya clans such as Bhati, Badgujar, Chauhan, Gahlot, Kushwaha, Parihar, Rathore, and Sisodiya migrated mainly from Rajasthan. From Gujarat came clans such as Chavda, Jethwa, Jhala, Solanki, and Vaghela. Additionally, many Kshatriya groups from Sindh and various other parts of India also moved into Malwa, where they settled as zamindars. These migrations occurred in multiple phases, both before and during the Khilji and Mughal periods. Some movements were driven by political instability in their native regions, while others were motivated by opportunities to expand influence under changing political conditions.

Another major reason cited in this theory for the migration of Kshatriyas from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Sindh, and other areas into Malwa was the pressure exerted by ruling powers. According to this account, Kshatriyas were compelled to either give their daughters in marriage, convert to Islam, or surrender their lands and serve under foreign authority. Refusing to accept these conditions, many chose to migrate to Malwa instead. This influx of diverse Kshatriya groups introduced a wide range of traditions, customs, and martial skills, thereby enriching the cultural fabric of the region and strengthening its defensive capabilities.

As these Kshatriyas settled, they became influential figures in Malwa’s socio-political structure. They integrated into local society while maintaining their distinct traditions and administrative practices. Their role in stabilizing the region was significant, and they contributed greatly to its cultural and political development. Although they held local administrative power as zamindars, Malwa remained under Mughal sovereignty. Over time, however, dissatisfaction with Mughal rule intensified due to heavy taxation, harsh treatment, and administrative oppression, which led to widespread resentment among the population.

In response to these conditions, the Kshatriyas who had settled in Malwa began organizing resistance against Mughal authority. Initially, this resistance took the form of small, localized uprisings. Gradually, it expanded as more leaders joined the movement, forming alliances and coordinating efforts. The resistance relied on strategic warfare and guerrilla tactics to weaken Mughal control. During this period, several notable leaders emerged, inspiring others through their courage and commitment.

The local population played a crucial role in supporting this resistance. Villagers provided food and shelter, while artisans and farmers contributed resources and intelligence. This widespread support strengthened the Kshatriya forces and fostered a strong bond between them and the people of Malwa. Despite numerous challenges, their persistent efforts significantly weakened Mughal authority, although they were ultimately unable to fully reclaim the region.

As Mughal oppression increased, many Kshatriyas adopted new clan names that appeared more local and less identifiable as Rajput. Since traditional Kshatriya clan names were easily recognizable, this change helped them conceal their identity temporarily and avoid persecution. However, this strategy was eventually discovered, leading to even harsher measures against them.

Meanwhile, the Kshatriya settlers continued to strengthen their internal unity through marriage alliances. Over time, it became customary for Kshatriyas in Malwa to marry only within the Kshatriya groups residing in the region, regardless of their original clan affiliations. These alliances created a cohesive and unified community, ensuring the preservation of their traditions and lineage. Initially practiced by a few clans, this system gradually expanded to include more groups. By the end of the 16th century, a total of 72 clans had been incorporated into this confederated structure, all tracing their origins to Kshatriya lineages.

Within this confederacy, the Suryavanshi Kshatriya clans included Rathore, Kushwaha (Kachwaha), Gahlot, and Badgujar. From the Rathore lineage emerged clans such as Gadge, Rabde, Pinjare, and Kinkar. The Kushwaha (Kachwaha) lineage gave rise to Dhondi, Munne, Kamdi, Kodle, Kalbhor, and Ukadale clans. From the Gahlot lineage came Rodle, Dhote, Gondiya, Ghagare, Pathe, Manmode, Deshmukh, Chaudhary, Hingwe, and Gohite. The Gore clan was derived from the Badgujar lineage.

The Chandravanshi branch included clans such as Gaur, Tomar (Tanwar), Bhati, Jhala (Makwana), Balla, Labana, Uthed, Aajana, Baghel, and Garg. The Gaur lineage produced the Gadre and Kasai clans, while the Tomar lineage led to Sarode and Bobde. The Bhati lineage gave rise to Buwade, Baingane, Bagwan, Barkhede, and Birgade. From the Jhala lineage came Naditod and Khargosiya. The Balla lineage led to Barbuhare, the Labana to Bhade, the Uthed to Kadwe, the Aajana to Ramdham, the Baghel to Bhobhat and Khausi, and the Garg lineage to Dandare.

The Agnivanshi Kshatriya clans included Parihar (Pratihar), Panwar (Parmar), Solanki, and Chauhan. The Parihar lineage gave rise to the Parihar/Paradkar clan. From the Parmar (Pawar) lineage emerged Pathade, Mate, Farkade, Gakhre, Girhare, Labde, Dala, Sawai, Dhole, Omkar, Tople, and Lavri. The Solanki lineage produced Barange, Kiranjkar, Dukhi, Khapariya, Dongardiya, and Digrase. The Chauhan lineage led to Dewase, Raut, Dharpure, Hajare, and Chikne clans.

The Rishivanshi branch included Jethwa, Kanpuriya, Barodiya, Chavda, Dahima, and Tank. From these emerged clans such as Kardate (Jethwa), Sherke (Kanpuriya), Badnagare (Barodiya), Chopde, Ladke, and Lokhande (Chavda), Dhoble (Dahima), and Thawri and Thussi (Tank).

Through this process, all 72 clans collectively formed a distinct Kshatriya caste. Each clan traced its ancestry to earlier Rajput lineages that had migrated to Malwa. The strict practice of endogamy within this group ensured the preservation of lineage and cultural identity across generations. This system reinforced social cohesion, as members were expected to marry within the caste, thereby maintaining continuity of traditions and strengthening internal bonds.

As previously noted, many Kshatriyas had adopted local clan names to avoid detection. However, once this strategy was uncovered, oppression intensified further. To escape continued persecution, sections of this community migrated again, particularly toward Betul. They initially settled in Bhanwargarh Fort (also known as Bhoyargarh Fort). Because of this association, local populations began referring to them as “Bhoyar,” meaning those connected with Bhoyargarh. Over time, they spread into surrounding regions such as Chhindwara, Pandhurna, and Wardha, where they eventually adopted agriculture as their primary occupation.

According to this theory, supported by certain historians, anthropologists, genealogists, and scholars, the Pawar (Bhoyar) community represents a composite Kshatriya origin. It maintains that all 72 clans within this group are directly descended from established Kshatriya lineages, preserving their heritage through migration, consolidation, and adaptation over time.

According to the second theory, the Pawar community (also referred to as Bhoyar or Bhoyar Pawar) is identified as a Kshatriya caste tracing its ancestry to the Parmar (Pawar) Rajputs of the Malwa region. The Parmars are traditionally associated with the Agnivanshi branch of Kshatriyas, which is linked to a mythological origin involving the fire god Agni. In this tradition, the Agnivanshi Kshatriyas are believed to have emerged from a sacred fire ritual performed on Mount Abu by the sage Vashishta (or, according to some versions, Vishwamitra). This ritual was said to have been conducted to produce warrior lineages capable of defending the world from hostile forces. From this sacred fire are believed to have arisen four principal Kshatriya clans: the Chauhans, Parmars (Pawars), Solankis (Chalukyas), and Pratiharas (Parihars). Within this framework, the Pawars are regarded as descendants of the Parmar Rajputs belonging to the Agnivanshi lineage.

From a historical perspective, the Parmar dynasty developed into a significant political power in central India, particularly in the Malwa region, where Dhar served as its capital. The origins of the dynasty are traced to the 9th century, when its founder, Upendra (also known as Krishnaraja), established its authority in the region. Over time, the Parmars became known for their military strength and their role as defenders of dharma. Their rule extended across much of Malwa, corresponding broadly to parts of present-day Madhya Pradesh.

The dynasty reached its peak during the reign of Raja Bhoja (c. 1010–1060 CE), who is remembered both as a capable ruler and as a patron of intellectual and cultural pursuits. Under his leadership, Dhar emerged as an important center of learning and artistic activity. Following his death, however, the stability of the Parmar state weakened due to internal divisions and repeated conflicts with neighboring powers such as the Chalukyas and the Chandelas. By the 13th century, the centralized power of the dynasty had largely declined, although branches of the Parmar lineage continued to exercise influence in smaller regional polities.

In 1305, the political authority of the Parmars in Malwa effectively came to an end with the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate into the region. Subsequent changes in political control, including the later establishment of Mughal rule, contributed to shifting social and political conditions that affected Rajput groups. In response to these developments, sections of the Parmar Rajputs are believed to have migrated from Malwa to other regions. One such movement involved migration toward the southern districts, including Betul in present-day Madhya Pradesh. Local traditions suggest that some of these groups temporarily resided in Bhanwargarh Fort (also known as Bhoyargarh Fort), and that the designation “Bhoyar” may have originated from this association.

According to this theory, the Pawars are thus understood as descendants of Parmar Rajputs who migrated from Malwa to the Central Provinces, eventually settling in areas such as Betul, Chhindwara, Pandhurna, and Wardha.

 

Conclusion:

The first theory of the Pawar caste's origin is widely accepted by experts, including anthropologists, historians, scholars, and genealogists, and is supported by elders and knowledgeable individuals within the Pawar community. Most members of the community regard it as a fully accurate account of their origins. This theory is validated by genealogists whose meticulous research has preserved the caste's history and lineage over generations. The genealogical records they have compiled are considered the most reliable and critical sources of information about the Pawar caste, providing precise details about its ancestry. These records form the foundation of the community’s historical knowledge, serving as vital references for examining its origins. Additionally, the first theory is regarded as highly accurate in its depiction of the history of Malwa and the formation of the Kshatriya confederacy, further solidifying its credibility.

 

In contrast, the second theory of origin has not gained the same level of acceptance. While it has its supporters, it remains a topic of debate among scholars and community members. This theory may contain elements of truth, but the evidence supporting it is less compelling and lacks the genealogical and historical backing that strengthens the first theory. As a result, it is not as widely recognized by experts in the field.

 

Our research, which has involved considerable time and resources, consistently finds the first theory to be the more accurate and credible explanation of the Pawar caste’s origins. The extensive genealogical records, historical documentation, and scholarly support make it the most compelling narrative available. However, our research is ongoing as we continue to seek further insights and verify additional details related to the caste’s origins, migration patterns, and social evolution over time. We are committed to uncovering the rich history of the Pawar caste and contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of its place in the broader cultural context.

 

2.2 The Three-Phase Migration Model

Migration Phase	Period	Linguistic Signature
Phase 1: Rajasthani Separation	~1100–1400 CE (700 BP)	Proto-Bhoyari founding; Western Indo-Aryan structure fully retained. BEAST2 PP=0.92; ABC P=0.71.
Phase 2: Malwa Contact	~1500–1700 CE	Contact borrowings from Malvi/Rangdi; schwa innovation begins. Skyline expansion; delta=0.21.
Phase 3: Satpuda Stabilization	~1700 CE onward	Conservative phonology; Lokgeet tradition crystallizes; Bundeli and Marathi contact but no structural restructuring.

 

The three-phase model is independently supported by five computational phylogenetic methods. The key finding is that the Malwa contact phase (Phase 2) left lexical and phonological traces without altering Bhoyari's primary Rajasthani inheritance — confirming that Bhoyari is not derived from Malvi but is a Rajasthani-origin variety that passed through Malwa territory on its way to the Satpuda Zone.

 

2.3 Geographic Distribution

Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is spoken across four core districts forming a geographically coherent corridor along the Satpura ranges:

 

District / Region	State	Notes
Betul District	Madhya Pradesh	Core prestige zone; most conservative Bhoyari ; primary corpus provenance
Chhindwara District	Madhya Pradesh	Core prestige zone; closely aligned with Betul variety
Pandhurna Region	Madhya Pradesh / MH border	Core zone; strong alignment with Betul-Chhindwara
Wardha	Maharashtra	Peripheral zone; greater Marathi contact; more phonological innovation

 

Village-level references within Corpus A songs confirm specific Betul-zone provenance for numerous items — songs referencing 'Ronḍhā gāṃv,' for example, locate performance contexts in Betul district with precision. This internal geographic evidence establishes that the corpus songs are not generic folk compositions but community-specific, place-anchored oral texts.

 

2.4 Socioeconomic Profile and Endangerment

The speaker community is predominantly agricultural, settled in rural and semi-rural areas across the four core districts. Agricultural occupational vocabulary is richly represented in the corpus — with numerous Shabdakosh entries related to plough-parts, land preparation, irrigation (traditional well-and-pulley systems), crop storage, and livestock management. Community members are also present across urban professions in Bhopal, Nagpur, Mumbai, Jaipur, and other cities, but the language's primary vitality remains in rural Satpuda-zone villages.

 

Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is an endangered dialect. The Shabdakosh's prefatory materials document lexical attrition explicitly: words associated with traditional irrigation infrastructure — dhāv, sasnī, khūṃṭ, parotā, moṭ, eṭ, samadūr, ḍohan, ḍāṃḍ (components of well-and-pulley irrigation) — are documented as disappearing from active speaker knowledge as modern irrigation technologies displace traditional practices. The ghaṭṭī gīt (grinding-mill song) tradition is endangered by the near-disappearance of hand-powered stone mills. The riddling (paheliyāṃ) performance tradition has been severely diminished by television, mobile phones, and social media platforms.

 

The primary institutional actor in preservation is Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai Betul MP, founded and directed by Rajesh Barange Pawar, which has published 01 books on Pawar (Bhoyar Pawar) History and more than 20 Research paper published in Pawari Shodh Patrika.

 

And anther institutional actor in preservation is Satpuda Sanskriti Sansthan, Bhopal (HIG-6, Sukhsagar Villa, Phase-4, BHEL, Bhopal-462024), founded and directed by Vallabh Dongre, which has published approximately 30 books on Pawari folk literature and culture.

1.1 Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone): Identity and Scope

Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) is a sub-dialect of Malvi (as per linguistic researcher), belonging to the Western Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European language family. It is spoken exclusively by the Pawar / Bhoyar Pawar /Kshatriya Bhoyar Pawar community in the Satpuda region — specifically in Betul district, Chhindwara district, the Pandhurna region, and Wardha, in the states of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. The dialect exhibits a rare sociolinguistic property: it is simultaneously geographically bounded and community-exclusive. No speakers of other castes or communities use Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone) as a primary communicative code.

 

The Betul–Chhindwara–Pandhurna triangle is considered the prestige core of the dialect. The variety spoken in this triangle is regarded by community scholars and external observers alike as the most authentic and phonologically conservative form of Bhoyari/Pawari. The Wardha variety shows greater Marathi contact influence, while the Betul–Chhindwara core retains stronger Western Indo-Aryan structural features.

 

1.2 Terminological Discipline

Throughout this book, the dialect is referred to exclusively by its full, technically precise name: Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone). This terminological precision is non-negotiable. The dialect must not be confused with Powari of Balaghat (a variety of Bagheli / Eastern Hindi, classified under Hindi in the Census of India with 425,745 speakers recorded in 2001), nor with Pawari of Maharashtra (general usage), tribal Powari varieties, or Gond-Powari forms. These are separate linguistic systems with distinct phonological inventories, morphological systems, geographic distributions, and community identities. No data from these systems appears in this book under any circumstances.

 

Within the Bhoyari-speaking community, particularly in Betul and Chhindwara, the language itself is locally called 'Pawari' — and the folk song tradition is universally known as 'Pawari Lokgeet- by Gopinath Kalbhor.' This emic usage refers exclusively to Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone), not to the Balaghat variety. The overlap in terminology has contributed historically to misidentification, which this book explicitly corrects.

 

1.3 Genetic Classification

Classification Level	Category	Notes
Indo-European	Language Family	Macro-genetic unit
Indo-Iranian	Branch
Indo-Aryan	Sub-branch
Western Indo-Aryan	Group	Rajasthani, Gujarati, Malvi cluster
Rajasthani	Sub-group	Marwari, Mewari, Rangdi, Malvi…
Malvi	Language	Primary ancestor
Bhoyari/Pawari (Satpuda Zone)	Sub-dialect	Glottolog: bhoy1241

 

The classification places Bhoyari/Pawari firmly within the Western Indo-Aryan macro-family. Bayesian computational phylogenetics (five independent methods: BEAST2 relaxed clock, Bayesian Skyline, Posterior Predictive Checking, Approximate Bayesian Computation, and SplitsTree5 network analysis) date the Proto-Bhoyari divergence node to approximately 1300–1400 CE (700 BP), with independent BEAST2 and ABC estimates agreeing within 20 years, constituting strong cross-method validation.

 

 

1.4 Comparative Affinity Profile

Structural alignment studies based on the authenticated Satpuda corpus place Bhoyari/Pawari's closest relatives as follows: Rangdi (82%), Marwari (78%), Malvi (75%), Nimadi (72%), Mewari (70%), Godwari (70%), Bundeli (58%), and Standard Hindi (50%). The 15–20 percentage-point gap between the Western Indo-Aryan cluster and Bundeli definitively falsifies any Eastern Hindi classification for Bhoyari/Pawari.

 

Phonological distance matrix analysis confirms this clustering: Bhoyari's closest phonological distance is to Rangdi (distance = 1), then Marwari and Malvi (distance = 2 each), Nimadi (distance = 3), and Bundeli (distance = 5). The SplitsTree5 network analysis assigns Bhoyari a delta-score of 0.21, indicating moderate reticulation consistent with the documented Malwa contact phase (approximately 1500–1700 CE), but primary Rajasthani tree-like inheritance (comparable to Malvi at 0.19) rather than any Bundeli or Central Indo-Aryan affiliation.

About the Authors

Shivani Barange Pawar

Researcher – Bhoyari / Pawari Language Researcher, Folk Culture and Satpuda Regional Studies

Co-Editor, Writer & Contributor – Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul & Pawari Shodh Patrika

Shivani barange Pawar works on the documentation and preservation of Pawari/Bhoyari language, Pawari folk songs, and oral traditions of the Bhoyar Pawar community. Her research focuses on the cultural heritage of the Satpuda region, including Betul traditions, the historical connections of Pawar lineage with Malwa and Rajputana.

📧 Email: barkhede.shivani@gmail.com

 

Rajesh Barange Pawar

Independent Researcher | Bhoyari / Pawari Language Researcher | Pawar Community History | Rajasthan Malwa Satpuda Regional Studies

Founder & Director – Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul | Chief Editor – Pawari Shodh Patrika

Rajesh Barange Pawar researches Bhoyari/Pawari language, Pawar community history, the 72 gotras of the Pawar community, and the cultural traditions of the Satpuda region. His work also explores the z    historical connections between the Pawar (Parmar/Panwar) lineage of Malwa and Rajputana and their migration and settlement in Betul and surrounding Satpuda regions, including traditions associated with Maa Tapti.

🌐 Blog: https://rajeshbarange.blogspot.com/

🌐 Pawari Shodh Patrika: https://sites.google.com/view/pawarishodhpatrika/home

📧 Email: rajeshbarange00@gmail.com

 

Pranay Chopde

Independent Researcher | Pawar Community History Researcher | Satpuda Regional Studies

Co-Editor & Writer – Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan, Multai, Betul | Co-Editor – Pawari Shodh Patrika

Pranay Chopde researches Pawar community history, the 72 gotras of the Pawar community. His work also explores the z    historical connections between the Pawar (Parmar/Panwar) lineage of Malwa and Rajputana and their migration and settlement in Betul and surrounding Satpuda regions, including traditions associated with Maa Tapti.

📧 Email: chopdemamta123@gmail.com

Published by

Special issue of Pawari Shodh Patrika

Maa Tapti Shodh Sansthan,

Multai, Betul, Madhya Pradesh